As Russia's war against Ukraine unfolds, Putin's errors become perceptible. That's because he's faced few constraints to his power.
Russia is among the top 20 natural resources economies of the world, according to this criterion. Instead of citizens greeting Russian troops as liberators, they are met with Molotov cocktails, even in the regions where Russian speakers prevail. When power is not constrained, its holders tend to take excessive risks regardless of mental stability. Recent changes in Russia’s constitution allow Putin to serve two more presidential terms. Ukraine’s constitution declares “the strategic course of the state on acquiring full-fledged membership of Ukraine in the European Union and in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.” Putin’s Plan A was to coerce Ukraine to change its stated intention to join NATO by threatening the country. It’s not just the Ukrainian army containing the invasion — Ukraine’s people are too. To make a threat credible, the opponent’s choices and possible strategies must be properly assessed. That deadline for seizing control of Ukraine hasn’t been met. As with threats made during the Cold War, much depended on Putin’s credibility. It threatened to deploy “military-technical measures” if NATO did not recede. His hopes for a blitzkrieg have not materialized.
Three days before Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the Feb. 24, 2022, invasion of Ukraine, he presided over a meeting with his security council that ...
For the full story, watch Putin’s Road to War, above. From acclaimed filmmaker Michael Kirk and his award-winning team, the documentary traces how Putin went from low-ranking KGB agent to longtime Russian president. This really is Vladimir Putin’s war.” In revisiting that security council meeting, Ioffe says: “ You see how this all went down. The documentary is also available to stream on FRONTLINE’s YouTube channel and in the PBS Video App. Putin’s Road to War is a FRONTLINE production with the Kirk Documentary Group. The director is Michael Kirk. The producers are Michael Kirk, Mike Wiser, Vanessa Fica, Jim Gilmore and Philip Bennett. The writers are Michael Kirk and Mike Wiser. Explore interviews with sources from the making of the film on FRONTLINE’s website and YouTube channel as part of FRONTLINE’s ongoing Transparency Project. “It was unhinged — having his national security team, one by one, press him to invade Ukraine,” Kori Schake, director of foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, observes in the opening scene of Putin’s Road to War, a FRONTLINE documentary that premiered on PBS March 15, 2022, and is now streaming online and on-demand.
The great-granddaughter of Stalin's successor discusses Ukrainian identity and the lingering wounds of the Cold War.
At the same time, all Russian leaders, essentially all Soviet leaders, had very tense relationships with Ukrainians’ desire to be more independent from Mother Russia, from the Kremlin, from Moscow. That certainly goes into Putin’s calculations, that you used to be smaller, and now you are basically what Poland used to be during the Soviet Union. It was the last line of Western defense, so now Ukraine is the last line of defense. Russians always thought of it as a bit of an appendage, and looked down on the “Little Russia,” so to speak. In fact, Khrushchev was the beginner of it in a sense, because he promoted Brezhnev, who was coming out of Ukraine. In this sense, the Soviet Union had multiethnic representation. One of the Russian tsars had a giant monument to Saint Vladimir, the baptizer of Kievan Rus, because it was supposed to represent that proto-state of Russian and Ukrainian. It’s a very close connection. Ukraine used to be called Malorossiya, which is a “Little Russia.” It was sort of an appendage of Russia. In the sixteen-hundreds, the Cossacks, the traditional warrior polity, which was at the center of what Ukraine is today, attached themselves to the Russians. But they were too independent, too unruly, and Catherine the Great took their independence away. Putin has obviously expressed anger at the way that Soviets allowed a certain degree of autonomy for Ukraine and for other Soviet states. And the word “respect” in the Russian language is in relation to others, so if you respect me, it means a lot. He spent a lot of years in Ukraine and was in charge of Ukraine’s Communist Party for many years. It was in this sense a dream of Lenin and Marx. Lenin, particularly, wrote in one of his works that every maid should learn how to rule the state. But before him, there was a Communist of Polish origin who was in charge of Ukraine. Because, as you remember, in the nineteen-nineties, Russia was basically next to the toilet in its own definition of itself, and was the loser in the Cold War. It felt like the West or the United States particularly could do or say anything to Russia or about Russia. Can you talk about the way in which Russian nationalism has incorporated people from these different areas, and how you understand that?
Instead, Ukrainians have given Russians a tutorial on fighting and dying for freedom and self-determination. Putin appears locked into his own germ-free ...
All that said, what makes the pleasant surprises in this war so surprising is that they were surprises to the people who were responsible for them. The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. Human beings are hard-wired to want to connect, and the hard-wiring of today’s world is making it easier and cheaper for them to do so every day. It is about the ability for countries, companies and now, increasingly, individuals to connect and act globally. It creates a community of kindness that alone cannot defeat Putin’s tanks, but it can help buttress those determined to resist them by reminding them that they are not alone — Putin is. I am always amazed by the courage that seemingly average people manifest in war — in this case, not only by Ukrainians, but also by Russians who refuse to buy Putin’s lies, knowing that he is turning them into a pariah nation. There is nothing like personally communicating with people in Ukraine who are hiding in their basement, while you are explaining why you are happy to rent that basement but never use it. I never had any illusions that once Putin launched this war, he’d stop short of doing anything to make sure that he could claim to be the “winner.” Nevertheless, it is stunning to watch how quickly he has tied himself into knots. Guests from the U.S., Britain and Canada are the biggest bookers. Now that we’ve passed the opening phase of this war, the surprises just keep on coming. With a few clicks they’re sending money to support Ukrainians and with a few more keystrokes telling everyone from McDonald’s to Goldman Sachs that they must withdraw from Russia until Russian soldiers withdraw from Ukraine. Here’s another surprise few saw coming — especially China and Russia. China relied on its own vaccines to fight Covid-19, along with a policy of zero tolerance and immediate quarantine to prevent spread of the coronavirus.
Russian President Vladimir Putin's regime is showing growing desperation as its war against Ukraine falls further into disarray.
Time is of the essence. None of this is the action of a leader confident in victory. The West must prove itself equally capable: by supplying Ukraine and staring down Putin’s threats. There are no limits, in terms of weapons systems, targets, tactics, or human suffering, which he will not cross in Ukraine. He may indeed resort to escalatory attacks, or the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), if he sees no other choice. The key to Putin’s defeat is Ukraine’s survival. The United States and the West must manage this situation carefully.
Putin's war also has significantly worsened Russia's economy, security and world standing.
To be sure, those Russians who oppose Putin’s war and are willing to protest are probably a small minority of the population. Sooner rather than later, the thin thread binding him to the outside world will be cut and Putin will be truly isolated in his bunker. And Muscovites and Petersburgers have amply shown, in the late 1980s, in 2011, and most recently, that they are willing and able to demand regime change. We invite you to join the discussion on Facebook and Twitter. With Russia’s looming economic collapse and international isolation, the oligarchs and cronies will continue to lose billions of dollars. When things are not — when a disastrous war is sapping the lifeblood of the military — their loyalty is far from assured. Russia has become a pariah and a rogue; its regime is termed “fascist.” Putin is frequently compared to Adolf Hitler, and Russia’s citizens are unwelcome in many parts of the world. NATO has been mobilized and galvanized; U.S. troops and military equipment have been deployed in greater numbers to several NATO states; European cooperation with the United States has improved; Finland and Sweden are interested in joining the alliance; and almost all European states — including neutral Switzerland and Sweden — are providing Ukraine with some form of military assistance. Czar Nicholas II, Nicaragua’s Anastasio Somoza, the Shah of Iran, and many other autocrats were deposed or fled even though they had the support of the military and secret police. Instead of surrendering upon their first encounter with a Russian soldier, the Ukrainian army and people have fought with remarkable effectiveness, courage and dedication, transforming what was supposed to be a grand and glorious little war into a slog at best and a looming Russian defeat at worst. This may matter little to average Russians, but it will matter to the affluent Russian professionals who shopped in luxury stores and vacationed on the Riviera. The Ukrainian army has fought the Russians to a standstill, imposed enormous costs in lives, planes, helicopters, tanks and armored personnel carriers, and is poised for a counter-offensive.
Ukrainian president gets multiple standing ovations in Canada's parliament as he calls for more international support.
You’ve imposed serious sanctions; at the same time, we see that unfortunately, this did not bring the war to an end,” Zelenskyy said on Tuesday morning. We have imposed severe sanctions on 15 new Russian officials, including government and military elites who are complicit in this illegal war,” Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said before Zelenskyy’s address. You supply us with military assistance, with humanitarian assistance.